Tuesday, 11 March 2014

BLOOD, FIRE AND STEEL 150 YEAR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY; Conditions in South East Europe in the twillight of the 19th century; chapter 8



CONDITIONS IN SOUTH EAST EUROPE IN THE TWILIGHT OF THE 19TH CENTURY

The conditions of workers in Eastern and Southern Europe differed significantly from the conditions of their counterparts in the west, in that the spate of industrialization in the west was far ahead of Eastern and Southern Europe; coupled with the yawning gap in the standard of living. The gap that spawned in the early and late 19th century is yet to be bridged till date.

Indeed there were significant improvements in the welfare and future of the middle class and upper class in these parts of Europe as industrialization belatedly caught on. For instance, in Russia, women and men were able to find opportunities that were fast becoming available in the economic and educational sectors.

In the area of local arts and crafts as well as printing and other related professions, the level of growth was just about the same as in the rest of Europe. However, while agricultural mechanization was becoming prevalent in the West with the subsequent emancipation of peasants in the East and South, conditions in Eastern Europe remained just about the same. Peasants and farm workers remained in the East and South in fairly squalid conditions.

Rapid population growth left many peasants and workers with little to live on as pressure on land both for agricultural and industrial purposes grew. The result was mass emigration of those classes of workers from Eastern Europe, Spain, Ireland, Portugal, and Italy to the New World particularly the United States and Canada.

This was also accompanied with serious issues of political and economic unrests as strikes and demonstrations became rampant. These challenges were felt more acutely in Russia where the defeat experienced during the Crimea war in the hands of the Great Powers drove Russia into a heightened pace of modernization and industrialization.

The Russian monarchy and government embarked on radical reforms that included the abolition of the manorial system by Alexander II in 1861 whereby the Serfs were allowed to own the land on which they grew crops. This was accomplished through the issuance of the Emancipation Act and Manifesto.

This Act sought to deregulate the labor market while protecting the landed interests of the nobles. As a result, the nobility still retained most of the best lands and were compensated for the loss of the servile labor of the serfs. The serfs on the other hand, while technically owners of the land still paid dues and levies to the State on the profit from their labor.

This arrangement while strengthening the peasants and increasing production in these lands also led to many of the peasants moving into the cities and urban places in search of non-agricultural work in the factories and shops available. The taxes and levies imposed on the peasants continued to remain a source of unrests and concerns.

The Russian government in 1870s also started a program of industrial growth and expansion. The height of it was the expansion of the railway tracks to cover Siberia running across the entire country. Factories were built and property ownership was encouraged even in foreign hands while a few local industrialists also emerged.

The pace of industrialization however did not match the pace of economic returns and this led to many violent protests as workers detested their poor working conditions. The unrest strengthened a group of men who were increasingly becoming vocal and forceful in the idea that the working class should unite and endeavor to take over the reins of control of labor and production.

 The agitation for a working class-ruled and dominated society increased tension and led to violent agitations for the end of aristocratic and autocratic rule. These tensions coupled with the rising spate of industrialization created an impetus for reform and liberalization of the political process, which were not granted.

 Czar Nicolas II was not a man with vision and understanding. His half-hearted measures of parliamentary and economic reforms coupled with his strong autocratic tendencies did not go down well with the Russian people.

The measures he embarked upon instead helped to swell the ranks of agitators for political and economic reform. Soon the rank of these agitators was made up of the intelligentsia, lecturers, students, civil society, members of the armed forces and politicians including some elements of the aristocracy.

These agitations were led by a notable Marxist known as Vladimir Tillich Lenin whose revolutionary tactics and strategies were built around the need to overthrow the ruling class and entrench a political system where workers controlled the government and the instruments of labor and production.

This novel direction reached its climax at the beginning of the 20th century, with Russian industrialization on the one hand moving side by side with political divisions and instability.



THE EMERGING INDUSTRIAL STATE

During the second half of the 19th century, the rising spate of industrialization coupled with increasing political awareness began to change the way society operated and the expectations of the people from the political process.

The trend towards participatory democracy and improvement in the lifestyle of the working class began to make a major demand for change on societies that had remained rigid, inflexible and stratified for centuries.

The emancipation of the peasant class through a process of increased knowledge, acquisition of new skills, exposure to new industrial ideas and practices led to a heightened demand and expectation for reform in the political class and institutions that governed Europe.

The wind of change blowing across Europe in the second half of the 19th century was met with stiff resistance on the part of the political leaders and the Roman Catholic Church who fought to preserve the status quo.

 The emergence of a conservative government in Prussia at this time coupled with the efforts of the papacy to strengthen the existing governments against the palpable wind of change were to end up in only strengthening the resolve of the people for a new direction in European affairs.

The proclamation of papal infallibility in 1870 could not stop the agitation for changes in the political and economic conditions of the people, particularly the working class. The defeat of the revolutionary moves in 1848 was seen by many as an opportunity to make changes without necessarily changing the existing social order.

Among the statesmen then, was voiced the need to make liberal reforms designed to strengthen the economic base of the workers without liberalizing the process of governance.

Thus in Britain, the conservative Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli, pushed in 1867 a bill through parliament that granted most urban workers the right to vote in order to soften the pressure for more drastic political reforms that included the agitations for  universal suffrage.

His aim of course, was to expand the popular base of his political party. In France, Napoleon III while starting on an autocratic note began to yield to the pressure to liberalize the political system by granting wider press freedom, increasing parliamentary power and increasing the freedom of thought and speech.

In the Prussian government, attempts were made to mediate with the leading nationalist movements by promoting a freer and more efficient bureaucracy. In Austria, the creation of separate parliaments for the purposes of sustaining the Dual monarchy temporarily eased tensions among the major nationalities while putting the Slavs under greater pressure to press for reforms and freedoms for the Slav-speaking peoples of Serbia Montenegro.

The pace of reform-minded conservative rule was particularly noticeable in Italy and Germany. The Italian state of Piedmont in early 1850 was led by an able Prime Minister Camillo de Cavour who promoted a system of social reforms that included conciliatory liberals by sponsoring economic development programs coupled with the granting of personal liberties.

His nationalist endeavors triumphed with the defeat of Austria in 1858 where Piedmont allied with France, drove Austria from the province of Lombardy. The resulting nationalist sentiments helped to unite the Italian states under a new Italian nation under King Victor Emmanuel. The new state had a parliament and was able to fend off the attacks of the Roman Catholic authorities by uniting the nationalist agitation under new political groups that emerged thereby.

The events in Italy partly motivated the young chief minister in Prussia, Otto Von Bismarck who similarly began a campaign for political reform and nationalist stirrings with a view to uniting the German states into one German nation under Prussia. This was achieved in the 1860s after the defeats of Austria in 1866 and France in 1870.

 This had been preceded by the defeat of Denmark in an earlier conflict that saw the restoration of the German provinces of Holstein-Schlesinger previously under the control of Denmark. The victories recorded led to the uniting of the German states under the Prussian King Wilhelm I. A new parliament was instituted with both lower houses with universal suffrage, and an upper house dominated by the Prussian nobility.

Although the appointment of ministers was still vested in the crown, freedom of speech and the press were expanded alongside religious liberties which were also extended to the Jews, whilst government retained the ultimate right to political freedom and direction.

These developments radically changed the political map of Europe creating a new direction in state nationalism and an impetus for a reform of the monarchical system. Power was gradually but finally flowing to the people, the working class and the peasantry through a system of reforms of parliamentary and voting rights.

 The reforms were also to lay a basis for a new definition of nationhood across Central Europe and produce a passion for nationalist sentiments that would cut across to the middle of the 20th century. The new passion for nationalist sentiments over and above royal and monarchist sentiments would define the future of Europe for decades to come.

 It was becoming quite clear that the evolving modern states were distilling a process whereby political freedoms were being channeled into nationalist sentiments that still stressed the divisions rather than the unity of the European polity laying a foundation for a destructive nationalism that was soon to engulf the continent in two major wars in the 20th century.

In France, defeat in the war of 1870 coupled with the rise in nationalist sentiments led to the fall of the monarchy, the rebirth of Republicanism, the emergence of a free parliament and the empowerment of the working class. The collapse of the empire soon gave birth to new crises as the pro- royalist forces were dispersed after the fall of the Paris commune system in 1871.

The birth of the Third Republic in France helped to change the constitutional structure in Europe as free parliaments, voting rights, free speech, free press became the norm of the day.

The doctrine of separation of Church and State was also vigorously enforced and the institutions with state power began to be more controlled by secular forces particularly in the guise of political parties that looked more to the people particularly to the ordinary people for direction and support.

The rise of personal freedom set a new direction for European politics as the powers of the state were increasing wrested from the Crown and Church and placed squarely in the hands of the people in an increasingly democratic fashion.






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