Friday, 14 March 2014

BLOOD FIRE AND STEEL; EUROPE'S POLITICAL DIRECTION 1850-1890 Chapter 10



EUROPE’S POLITICAL DIRECTION- 1850-1900

In the late 19th century the politics of France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom began to shape and define the politics of Europe. Nationalism had become a major force in Europe and political thinking began to alternate between socialist and conservative thinking.

The socialists began to represent progressive thinking particularly one which took into account the interests and welfare of the working class like happened in France towards the close of the 19th century.
The collapse of the monarchy and the setting up of the Third Republic in France reverberated with consequences throughout Europe.

 The stage was thus set for the era of free elections, sovereign parliaments, emergence of political parties with both left and right leanings, universal male suffrage which was already being accomplished in many countries particularly Britain by 1880.  Belgium, Italy and Austria took a longer time in the granting of universal suffrage to men in 1914 before the outbreak of The First World War.

In Germany, Bismarck was at a continual loggerhead with the Roman Catholic Church and the Catholic Center party during the 1870s and did not come to terms with them until much later in the decade. His attempts to outlaw the socialist party was only rebuffed and overcome after he left office in 1890.

In France, the Dreyfuss affair involving the trial of a Jewish French officer called Colonel Alfred Dreyfuss charged with treason pitted the conservative Catholics and military establishment in a struggle over what direction France should take and the need to separate the authority of the Church and State.

 The entry of the radical Republicans and the socialists in the mêlée charged the polity and led to a heated debate as to the future of the Third Republic. The pro-Dreyfuss forces won the struggle and forced the separation of Church and State by 1905 reducing the influence of the Catholic Church on the French government and the involvement of the Church in national politics.

This era of reform also saw the rise of Church based groups that tried to mitigate the effects of extreme capitalism on the less endowed by investing in social causes such as charities, orphanages and social welfare causes.

Groups such as the Salvation Army arose in Britain in 1878 to engage in social missions with a view to practicalising the virtues of the gospel. Pope Leo XIII proclaimed new policies to encourage Roman Catholics to come to terms with the new political order, whereby institutions like parliaments, a free press, and universal suffrage were fast becoming the order of the day.

The ordinary people were encouraged to persevere in the face of the excesses of capitalism and a political liberalism that Europe had never experienced before. The period 1870-1914 saw the alternating swing of power between moderate conservatives and liberal forces that were more concerned with the effect of the government policies on the lives of the individual rather than on the pursuit of Grand National aspirations as was associated with the moderate conservatives.

Both groups however, tended to mute their differences when confronted with bigger and more demanding national issues. The pursuit of reforms, liberalization of the political system and safeguarding of the rights of individuals and workers was one platform that the contending parties tended to agree upon.

As the emerging groups began to find a more common platform to fight national and social issues, (except for a small group of radical politicians who came to view parliamentary rule with great suspicion), the next big challenge emerged from the growing socialist movement that anchored its program on the right and need for workers to take over the means of state planning and production through whatever means they deemed necessary including revolution.

As the 19th century came to a close, even the radical wing of the socialist parties in the main European states, began to realize that their vision was best harnessed through participation in the political process. The ideas of violent change as founded in the doctrines of Karl Max were beginning to be muted in favor of an evolutionary process of change and reform.

The socialists in furtherance of their Marxist beliefs had taught that the working class and the ruling class were locked in a great class conflict that could be resolved only with the working class seizing the instruments of state power, establish proletarian control and unseat the forces of capitalism from the realm of political power.

The rise in universal suffrage gave the socialist parties in Europe the platform they needed to win mass support and introduce their beliefs into the political system. This in itself played down the need to agitate for violent overthrow of government in the bid for reform at any cost.

As dialogue, collective bargaining and the electoral process continued to make political changes possible in a civil manner, many of the leading socialist groups and reformers began to embrace the idea of change through dialogue and the electoral system. Newspapers, mass literacy efforts and social activities helped to push the message forward.

By the 1880s, Germany’s socialist parties had begun to win wider support for their policies in the face of the anti-socialist stand of the Bismarck years. By 1900, the socialists had become a major political force gaining over two million votes in key elections and holding onto a considerable minority of seats in the German parliament as deputies. By 1913, the German socialist party pulled four million votes to emerge as the largest political group in the country.

Socialist parties in Austria, the Scandinavia and the Low Countries made similar gains. France and Italy, where the socialist parties were more fragmented and ideologically incompatible saw a slower growth in number; though by 1899, a socialist became a cabinet member shocking orthodox Marxists who forbade collaboration between socialists and bourgeois politicians. By 1913, France had more than 100 socialists seated in parliament.

In Britain, the socialist movement though strong from the start was less ideological and found expression in the new labor party that emerged to carry the socialist inclinations along.

Though labor had its roots in strong trade unions in the 1890s and saw its base grow among the working class, its inherent defense of the working class against the extremes of capitalism naturally bequeathed to it the mandate to carry the socialist flag. Though labor did not win any national election as it lagged behind the liberal party, yet by 1914, it came to rank as one of the major parties.

In many countries, the socialists became a sizable minority winning municipal and parliamentary seats which gave them the opportunity to implement welfare policies among the urban poor and also enforce their ideologies and policies in all the places they controlled. They were able to put the social question on the political map ahead of the constitutional issues that had hitherto reigned.

As the reactionary forces of conservatism came to dread the spread of socialist ideologies, the success of the movement also began to soften the pressure put on society by the leaders.

 By the end of the 19th century, Germany began to be visited by revisionist thinkers who argued that socialism could be accomplished without revolution while encouraging accommodation between the socialists and leftist-leaning workers and political groups believing that gains could be achieved piecemeal and gradually without rocking the political boat.




REFORMATION OF THE 19TH CENTURY SOCIETY

As the political spectrum experienced changes and the effects of the new industrial society began to re-order the priorities of governments in the 1890s, the need for universal literacy and enlightenment became a major issue in the public domain.

 It became the norm in Europe for governments to insist on universal basic primary education in order to inculcate the skill of writing and reading across the entire populace. Mass education and universal literacy became a major plank of government policy and investment. It was obvious, the industrial society was being driven on the twin planks of literacy and specialized skills acquisition that required serious investment in basic education.

It was also obvious that a government with an educated populace could more easily sell its programs and build on the nationalistic goals it needed to set. Nationalism became a vital ingredient of the new educational curriculums that were set. The use of national languages to create a national orientation of the populace became the standard practice.

Together with mass education, was the widening of the scope of military training and conscription that gained wide acceptance all over the continent with the exception of Great Britain? The victories of Prussia in its European wars fought in the second half of the 19th century lent a handy agreement to this view. The state bureaucracies were also expanded to give governments more direct control of the civil populace.

Government control of schools, hospitals, industries, economic activities, border patrols, issuance of travel documents, regime of visas, introduction of tariffs and levies, control of national borders, pension schemes and elaborate welfare schemes became the order of the day bringing government closer and in more direct control of the populace.

As the scope of education, checks and controls, welfarist policies and the civil service brought a new definition of nationalism, stateism and central control became more of the norm in European politics bringing a new concept of the state, an unparallel development in European history.





PRE WORLD WAR 1 DIPLOMACY AND POLITICAL ARRANGEMENTS

By the end of the 19th century, the political map of Europe had been roughly drawn along a system of alliances, power groupings and blocs. This complex system of political alliances and groupings divided Europe into two power blocs, armed and ready to defend its nationalist interests. The idea of one Europe had not yet crystallized.

Germany at about this time had begun to construct a large navy designed to guarantee its place in the comity of nations as a great imperial power. This together with its rapid pace of industrialization left Great Britain feeling threatened. France sat astride a huge colonial empire but its nationalistic aspirations especially in the face of the humiliating loss of Alsace-Lorraine were yet to be fully pacified.

In the rise of Japan in the Far East, Russia encountered a major opponent determined to check Russia’s expansion into China and Korea and the Orient in general. This state of affairs precipitated the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905 resulting in defeat for Russia and Japan’s ascension in Korea and predominance in China. This turn of events forced Russia to gaze once more at the Balkans as a theatre of expansion while turning its gaze away from Asia.

The fragile and tenuous peace in Europe was further compromised with the forced removal from power of Europe’s major stabilizing force, Otto von Bismarck in 1890 as the Chancellor of Germany by Emperor Wilhelm II who on coming to power sought to rein- in and curb the power and prestige of the very influential Chancellor.

The exit of the experienced Bismarck in the hands of a young, inexperienced but ambitious Emperor, placed the political situation in Europe in the form of a tinderbox waiting for a spark to ignite. To compound the situation, Germany failed to renew its alliance with Russia upon the expiration of its treaty of 1887 in 1890 and France seized that opportunity to reach an understanding with Russia in the late 1890s.

Britain equally fearful of Germany’s increasing naval power chose to swallow its pride and come to an understanding with its long standing rival and competitor France when the triple Entente with Russia, France and Britain was formally signed in 1907, leaving Europe  in the grip of two mutually hostile rival political camps.

In 1908, Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina causing tension between it and Russia as well as Serbia who particularly felt that the two annexed territories rightly belonged to her. In 1912, Russia supported an attack on the Ottoman Empire by a loose confederation of the Balkan states that were resolved to free themselves from the domination of the Ottoman Turkish Empire and win over Macedonia.

Though the Balkan states won, they were soon engulfed in internal strife and discord following the second Balkan war in 1913. The situation further intensified the hostilities between the Balkan states particularly Serbia origin.
                



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